France’s Military Ties to Israel: How French Arms Firms Fuel the War on Gaza

On May 5, 2025, French Ambassador to Tunisia Anne Guéguen firmly denied that France had supplied any military weapons to Israel for use in its war on Gaza. Speaking during a radio interview on IFM, she stated, “Not even a fraction of the weapons used in Gaza come from France.”

Her comments follow a series of similar denials from French officials, who face growing pressure over arms exports and military cooperation with Israel. French Minister of the Armed Forces Sébastien Lecornu repeatedly rejected claims of a military arms relationship with Israel. During a session at the French National Assembly on February 27, 2024, he stated, “There is no arms relationship as such with Israel.”

French authorities insist that their military ties with Israel remain among the weakest globally. Despite providing no specific data, they maintain that accusations of complicity in Israeli violations in the occupied Palestinian territories are “false.”

In October 2024, President Emmanuel Macron sought to distance France from military support for the Israeli occupation. As part of broader efforts to end the war in Gaza, he called for a halt to arms exports to Israel and declared, “France is not delivering any [weapon]” to Israel.

Does France Truly Avoid Arming Israel?

Misbar's team investigated the military ties between France and Israel by uncovering the opaque corridors of global arms supply chains, networks largely controlled by major weapons manufacturers in which the French state holds substantial ownership.

How Thales Anchors France’s Military Links to Israel

The French government directly owns 26.6% of Thales and controls 36.37% of its voting rights, making it the company’s largest shareholder and most influential voice on the board of directors.

Operating in more than 68 countries, Thales ranked 17th among the world’s largest defense contractors in 2023 and 16th in terms of arms revenue. Its arms sales rose by nearly 5% compared to 2022, reaching €18.428 billion out of over €23 billion in total contracts. By 2024, Thales had exceeded €20 billion in sales.

The company employs over 77,000 people across a vast network of subsidiaries. Due to frequent acquisitions, the exact number of subsidiaries remains uncertain, though estimates place it at no fewer than 20. While not all subsidiaries operate on the same scale, together they reflect Thales’ expansive role in supplying weapons, components, and security technologies worldwide.

Imperva: Employees Serving in the Israeli Military

One of Thales’ most significant acquisitions is the Israeli cybersecurity company Imperva, which it purchased in July 2023 for $3.6 billion.

Although Imperva has operated from the United States since 2012, relocating its headquarters to San Mateo, California, its core product design and development teams remain based in Tel Aviv.

As with many Israeli tech firms, a large number of Imperva’s engineers are graduates of elite military brigades and intelligence units in the Israeli military. Many continue to maintain strong ties to the military establishment.

One such figure is Yossi Sabto, Imperva’s Director of Engineering and Network Security. He joined the company in 2021 after working at CyberArk, another Israeli firm known for its close collaboration with the Israeli government, particularly in developing software and identity management systems for security and defense sectors.

Misbar reviewed Sabto’s social media presence as an example of Imperva’s leadership under Thales’ ownership. His support for Israel’s war on Gaza extended beyond public displays of solidarity with colleagues on the battlefield. Following the launch of the war in Gaza, he volunteered for active military service and served in the Israeli military for 150 days.

In a LinkedIn post, Sabto shared that his deployment began in November 2023. The post included a photo of him wearing a shirt featuring the insignia of Battalion 466 under Paratroopers Brigade 646.

Through extensive research across dozens of sources and reports, Misbar documented Brigade 646’s involvement in serious violations in Gaza, including armed raids and shootings inside schools, shelters, and other civilian facilities.

On February 13, 2024, Brigade 646 conducted a military operation inside a civilian shelter in Khan Yunis while Yossi Sabto was serving with the brigade. The brigade claimed Hamas fighters were using the shelter as cover but provided no evidence to support this claim.

A month earlier, in January, Brigade 646 forces stormed a school in the Al-Nuseirat refugee camp, alleging the presence of resistance fighters without presenting proof.

On February 7, 2024, the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth published testimony from a Brigade 646 major who admitted to demolishing a complex of civilian buildings, including a primary school, because the area appeared as a “security-sensitive zone” on Israeli military maps. The officer stated, “Everything is contaminated with terrorism. There are no truly civilian areas.”

Brigade 646’s commander in Gaza, Elad Shoshan, also confirmed that his forces carried out military operations inside schools, mosques, kindergartens, and UNRWA shelters, citing claims, without evidence, that resistance fighters operated from these locations.

According to Yedioth Ahronoth, by February 7, 2024, Brigade 646 had completely demolished at least 31 buildings in a single residential neighborhood in Khan Yunis when Sabto was serving in the brigade.

This issue extends beyond the involvement of a Thales-owned Imperva executive in military operations targeting civilians and infrastructure. A technical analysis of the Israeli military's official website, conducted using tools like Wappalyzer and BuiltWith, reveals that the site relies on multiple Imperva technologies, including Web Application Firewall (WAF) systems that protect against cyberattacks.

Indirect Military Support: Thales Fuels Israel’s Arsenal Through Supply Chains

On June 17, 2024, the French investigative platform Disclose revealed that Thales had supplied Israel with equipment used in combat drones linked to civilian deaths during the war on Gaza.

According to Disclose, leaked commercial documents and invoices confirmed that Israel received operational support systems from Thales in early 2024, months after the war began and after thousands of civilians had already been killed. The equipment was reportedly integrated into Hermes 900 attack drones, which the Israeli military deployed against civilian targets in Gaza.

Misbar’s investigation uncovered an even broader pattern; Thales plays a key role in indirectly supplying Israel through global military supply chains.

Thales Technology Enhances F-35 Strikes on Civilians in Gaza

Since the war on Gaza began, Israel has relied heavily on F-35 fighter jets. A U.S. Pentagon official confirmed that 35 of Israel’s 39 F-35s participated in airstrikes during the first two months of the assault.

Videos and images show F-35 jets flying over Gaza and dropping 2,000-pound guided bombs on areas that Israel had previously designated as “safe.” One of the deadliest attacks took place on July 13, 2024, when three GBU-31 bombs, each weighing 2,000 pounds, killed at least 90 people and injured hundreds in Al-Mawasi, a declared humanitarian zone.

The involvement of an F-35 jet was confirmed when former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant posted a photo from Nevatim Airbase, where Israel's F-35s are stationed, with the aircraft visible in the background.

Thales played a critical role in enabling these strikes. Through its U.S.-based subsidiary, Thales Visionix, the company helped develop key components of the F-35, including the Helmet-Mounted Display System (HMDS). This advanced system, patented by Thales Visionix, equips all F-35 aircraft, including those operated by Israel.

The HMDS allows pilots to identify and engage targets with precision, enhancing the F-35’s effectiveness in combat operations. Israel began receiving the helmet systems in December 2016 and conducted local testing at Nevatim Airbase in 2017.

Vision Systems International initially manufactured the Helmet-Mounted Display System (HMDS) for F-35 fighter jets using technology that Thales claimed infringed on its intellectual property. Thales had registered the patent for the technology in 2002.

In 2017, a U.S. court ruled in Thales’ favor, affirming its ownership of the HMDS technology. By 2021, Thales secured $10 million in compensation, over 18 percent of the total contract value awarded to Vision Systems International.

The U.S. government’s settlement with Thales effectively granted a compulsory license under Section 1498(a) of Title 28 of U.S. law. This agreement included licensing fees, positioning Thales as a direct participant in the supply chain of a targeting technology later used by Israel to bomb civilian areas and declared “safe zones” in Gaza.

Thales never objected to Israel’s use of the HMDS technology. The company remained silent even as Israel moved to expand its F-35 fleet. In June 2024, seven months into Israel’s war on Gaza, Tel Aviv signed a deal to purchase 25 additional F-35 fighter jets from the United States. That deal came just four months after France’s Armed Forces Minister publicly denied the existence of any military relationship with Israel.

Thales’ ongoing involvement in this supply chain places the company, along with France as its majority shareholder, under scrutiny for potential violations of the European Union’s Common Position 2008/944/CFSP. 

The policy clarifies that “Member States are determined to prevent the export of military technology and equipment which might be used for internal repression or international aggression or contribute to regional instability.”

More About F-35

Thales Nederland, the Dutch arm of French defense giant Thales, plays a central role in the F-35 Lightning II program, an international network that supports the jet’s global supply chain. The Netherlands ranks as the program’s second-largest European partner after the United Kingdom, contributing through dozens of companies that supply key parts and technologies for the aircraft.

Among these, Thales Nederland emerged early as a core contractor. Since 2003, it has provided critical components for the F-35’s radar systems, antennas, and sensors through a $58 million joint contract alongside three other firms. 

The company also supplies advanced cooling systems and, under a contract signed in June 2016, operates a facility that tests and maintains radar and radio systems used in the aircraft.

Every technology Thales Nederland delivers to the F-35 Lightning II program, including antenna test systems, cooling units, and components of the APG-81 AESA radar, is integrated into F-35 fighter jets, including those operated by Israel.

A document reviewed by Misbar, issued by the U.S. Deputy Under Secretary of Defense, estimates that Thales Nederland will earn around $700 million from its role in the F-35 program by 2026. Based on financial data from the company’s 2023/2024 fiscal year, its involvement in the F-35 program accounts for an estimated 5.6% of its overall income.

On February 12, 2024, the Dutch Court of Appeal ordered an immediate halt to the export of F-35 parts to Israel, citing violations of international law and the European Union’s Common Position (2008/944/CFSP). The ruling followed widespread documentation of Israel’s use of F-35 jets to kill civilians and destroy civilian infrastructure in Gaza.

Despite the court’s decision, Dutch Defense Minister Kajsa Ollongren reaffirmed the Netherlands’ commitment to the F-35 manufacturing program in March, stating that the country produces “vital parts of the aircraft that are indispensable.”

While the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs pledged to comply with the ruling, ambiguity persists. The United States controls the program’s logistics and distribution. As Dutch companies, including Thales Nederland, continue to participate, their components may still find their way into F-35 jets used by Israel, despite the export ban.

Israel’s deal to purchase additional F-35 fighter jets will almost certainly include parts manufactured by Dutch firms, among them Thales Nederland, a subsidiary of France’s state-backed arms manufacturer Thales Group.

These developments highlight the extent of France’s military entanglement with Israel. Despite official denials from French authorities, growing evidence shows that one of France’s largest defense contractors continues to support Israeli military operations in Gaza. 

Meanwhile, the complex and opaque structure of global weapons supply chains enables states and corporations to evade responsibility and maintain plausible deniability in the face of mounting human rights violations.

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